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Us 25, Euros 8, Europe 7, Mrs. Merkel 5, Strasbourg 4, Syria 4, David Cameron 4, Eu 3, Francois 3, Mr. Dole 3, Mr. Cameron 3, Germany 3, France 3, Brussels 3, Mr. Swoboda 3, China 3, Paris 3, Schmidt 2, Jean Manet 2, Hollande 2,
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  CSPAN    Today in Washington    News/Business. News.  

    February 8, 2013
    6:00 - 9:00am EST  

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[speaking french] >> translator: the cohesion policy first of all, which pays for investments that are indispensable not just for the beneficiary countries, but for europe as a whole. with all of us would benefit in terms of growth. cultural is another common policy which enables us to boost agriculture industry which is precious to the european union.
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but which also must be respectful of the environment. and that's why world development will complement that. not offsetting these two policies against one another. that will be easy to do. we must keep the pedestal of european policies because otherwise how can we go from the? my second principle is that the budget, the financial framework which is to be proposed must continue the growth partner we adopted in june of this year. last year. now, that means that we must promote innovatioinnovatio n, infrastructure, new energy, new forms of energy because there will be no consistency is in june we were to set out a roadmap and then we're have a deflationary pack and the fall of the european financial framework. my third principle is that the
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budget must support the most vulnerable of europeans, those most exposed to the crisis, the poorest of the poor. the funds for their must not only be kept going, they must have more money paid into them. we have the globalization adjustment fund. it is necessary. we are to deal with the restructure. many countries have to face. and the european structural funds is all in the regional programs and, of course, unemployment very young people, which must be a european program with a real priority for the choices we have to make. lastly, the last of these principles that i will be defending in these negotiations that are about to open is a resource system that is more fair and more comprehensible. in the short term the amount of the checks and the rebates must
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not rise anymore, but in the future we must have real resources. this is vital, otherwise it's rebuilding of europe that will be called into question. what is france's position? i don't think it's very far from the aspirations of the european parliament. compromise is possible. but it must be reasonable. and, therefore, we must talk reason to those who want to make cuts from europe's budget beyond what we found acceptable. there's no point in negotiating an agreement between heads of state and government if it is not voted to buy europe
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assembly. everyone can understand the logic of the communities institutions, and, therefore, members of parliament and heads of state of government with the commission, we must be clear-sighted and we must be responsible. that's the meaning of france's position going into these negotiations. which must enable europe to have a framework for its action over seven years. we've got to show that we're capable of taking decisions together, heads of state and government, members of the european parliament. our credibility is at stake here. not our financial credibility but our political credibility. and apart from these budget choices, it's a concept of europe that is under debate. so let me give you my concept of europe. europe can just be a market, budget, a currency. precious though they may be. nor can it just be a set of
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treaties or a set of rules. which are necessary if we have to live together. nor can europe simply be an accumulation of nations, each of which goes to the union for what it thinks is useful to itself and itself alone. europe, because that is history, is first and foremost a political will, a commitment in which everyone accepts the balancing out of rights and obligations, where the rules are up by the i. were confidence create solidarity. it's a process but we can keep arguing about what is already there and calling everything into question every stage. but i do think it is legitimate to work towards a new architecture of our union.
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i would plead for a differentiated europe. not a two-seat europe or two-tiered europe which would have been silly, and and we coal europe, a divided europe to ignore are we talking about cherry-picking europe. differentiated europe means a europe in which states decide to go forward. not necessary always the same ones, and to enter new projects, to put finance, to harmonize their policies beyond that basic pedestal which must be our shared competencies. i'm not making anything up what i'm saying this to you. this is what has enabled us to cross borders to have a single currency and the euro to set up a tax on financial transactions. this is enhanced cooperation. it's open to everyone. everyone who wants to come on
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board. and one day perhaps we can all gather around this principle, and this year, the european parliament will have a big part to play because by means of its scrutiny it will ensure that the whole thing hangs together. i, too, want to make europe more comprehensible. i call for budget integration, tax integration, social integration. it's of there. it calls for stronger political union. because otherwise it will be too weak. in other words, we need a eurozone government. we need new financial instruments to enable us to take action on a budget for the eurozone, which links up to the budget of the european union, and all of that must be subject to the scrutiny of the european parliament, and national parliament, too. i hope that next year's european
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elections will be a time for a great debate on the future of europe, which will enable us to decide what policies we want to conduct, of course, but also the architecture we want to propose without of course forgetting about the cabinets to the key jobs to the human. we want a big european debate, and emerge from that with a greater legitimacy. your passed out the institutions that will enable it to have its impact on the destiny of the world. europe is a continent of piece and democracy, but more than anything for itself and wants to give the rest of the world its heritage, its values, its principles. so europe must take on its share of the fight for democracy, for human dignity. and that is why i have decided
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to speak to take action and molly on behalf of france. i took that decision under international law. there was no time to lose. or to be more precise. if we had left time, it would've been time for terrorism. and terrorism would've conquered all of mali. i made this choice on behalf of france, in the name of france, because it was our responsibility. we have been well represented in that part of the world. we were able to provide the help that president of mali expected of us immediately. and that decision is one that i took also on behalf of of europe
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end of the international committee. and i would like to thank the european parliament here for the support and understanding it showed us in this very special moment, in which european country committed itself on behalf of of an african country. not to stir up the ghosts of the past, but to bring back dignity to a people, people who have enabled my country to be freed from servitude during the second world war. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: i can tell you that mali will recover its territorial integrity. the moment is nigh. the political time will come. the time for dialogue and reconciliation. stability in this country and
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that whole region of west africa, time for development, and this time has to be time for the african organizations. they are already present. it also should be the time for europe, because we need to act not simply in favor of piece. we need to act in favor of security in that part of africa. training and equipping the mouth in army and their forces -- the malian army coming guaranteeing security threat the country, to stop the bloodletting and score settling, to allow a particular transition reestablish in a democracy and an electoral process. we people want europe there, because of what europe represents and it's also expected to take part in the
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developing of the sahel, learning from the policies carried out which did not stop the economies of these countries collapsing. particularly of course the question of african debt, and i want to speak out for the battle against trafficking, drug trafficking, because terrorism is nursed by the profits from drug trafficking, particularly in west africa. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: we also, when we see the balance of power shifting in the world to leave no doubt about europe's determination to make its values felt, and we should learn from that. we need to be calm and collected when we draw up a strategy to have a genuine common foreign policy, to have a genuine
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european defense. france is ready. it's time to put an end to splitting up our resources and bring them together, bring our industries together as well. harmonize our position in international bodies where europe should speak with a single voice, to act in order to sort out conflicts which undermine confidence in humanity. think about syria. i'm thinking about iran, to push forward negotiations between israelis and palestinians because the time has come for that as well. europe can't just wait for the u.s.a. it needs to be present itself. to make those discussions start up again. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: europe also has a role to play when it comes to questions of our climate. france is ready to organize the
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2015 climate conference. but we can't act alone. europe needs to set an example when it comes to renewable energies and energy efficiency. i believe in europe. because i think that europe is useful and good, not just for europeans, but for the whole planet. and the best way for europe to protect its own interests is to have its models, throughout the world. we need to come back to what the european project is really all about. it's a political project based on values and the free movement of people, knowledge, ideas, works of art, culture, creativity. it's constantly reminding oneself of those ambitions that we can be able to be up to the level of our past, and the hopes of new generations yet to come.
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research, culture, universities, that's what people look to. we as europeans have him as a culture which goes well beyond ourselves. we shouldn't regard as simple as a heritage to be protected, but as a movement to be promoted. it's the principle, the cultural exception. it's the idea the works of art, works of human imagination are not just goods to be traded like others, that the cultural identity of my nation is crucially important and that pluralism, freedom need to be defended on a global scale. and once again, here i call for the setting up of europe to protect its cultural dimension, guaranteeing intellectual property and copyright, determining together economic and tax laws so that artists are paid fairly and that their works
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can circulate properly. having a digital europe where the technology is at the surface of a civilizing project. ladies and gentlemen, all the members of the european parliament, 17 years ago fran├žois stood where i am now. called on those who are listening to him to do all they could so that europeans could love europe. 17 years on, we have not really achieved that. and the risk isn't so much in difference now, but actual a feeling of separateness, a complete break almost. what is our responsibility? let's look directly at it as heads of state and government, as european commission, as a european parliament. let me be quite clear, we will move forward together or we won't move lord at all.
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but -- and time to wait for no one. we need to choose a new road for your. we've been able to get far worse challenges than this crisis in the past, but we need to define and set new goals for ourselves, and these new goals and ambitions can't simply be a skating -- a scaling down of what we end up in the past. it's illusory to think we should abandon what we've got. we've been trying to achieve for years to try to set up some new kind of hope. now, it's on the basis of everything that we have achieved that we should stand so we can achieve what remains to be done. and i know that all progress made in europe will be a new stage in democracy. so honorable members of the european parliament, and to move into this new stage, to complete the european project, to move democracy forward, it's you, ladies and gentlemen, who take
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the final decisions, so thank you very much. [applause] [speaking in native tongue] >> translator: thank you very much indeed, mr. president. i would now like to get the floor over to the commission. [speaking french] >> translator: thank you, president. president of the republic,
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minister, members of the european parliament, let me begin by congratulating you on organizing this debate. presidents of the republic, let me congratulate you on your speech and the great european conviction it is testified to. it's a great pleasure for me to be able to speak to you and your mother tongue, which is not my own pics i hope you will excuse any errors that i make. but i think it allows me to make a more spontaneous expression of what i feel and what i think about europe, and the very special role that's your country will play in the european project. let me begin by saying, expressing my gratitude to france on my own behalf and of
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europe's behalf, to everything your country has done for europe, and the world. not only through its cultural influence, civilizing influence, but it's tangible work towards achieving our project. and your speech today is another expression of that will. let me also thank france, and you, for your efforts to guarantee the stability and -- as you said this is no easy task. france has always stood side-by-side with those who wanted deeper, more coherent, more integration and more solidarity in our economic european union. in reality we are not yet out of the crisis.
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how can one say we are out of the crisis when we have the recession that we see, and they unsettled levels of employment we see around europe? if we continue with our reforms and national level, and continue after the european level, then we will move forward. talking about national economies, let me congratulate france on their works to balance their budget, their competitiveness reforms, and their attempts to curb unemployment. let me underline the importance of the agreement between the social conscience and other label markets. this shows that solutions are possible, solutions which guarantee flexibilities of businesses and security for workers. but we need to do more as we
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deepen the economic european union in order to force economic governance. i'm counting on you that we will be able to do that, whilst at one and the same time guaranteeing the integrity of the single market and the cohesion of the european union as a whole. and balancing the national budget and competitiveness reform are essential. however, alone they will not guarantee growth. since you took office, you have quite rightly put growth at the center of the debates in france and in europe. if we want to guarantee growth, then we need investment as well. the most significant tool that we have for that at the european level is the european budget, and that is why i call on the
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heads of state and government who will be meeting in brussels this week to try and find a compromise, which matches the ambitions that we hold out for europe. which will make it possible to push through european 2020 and european agenda, and other goals so that we can demonstrate solidarity, guarantee social and economic and territorial cohesion which is one of the principles enshrined in the treaty. we also need to comment on unemployment. particularly among young people so we don't end up with a lost generation. we also need to reinforce the european union's ability to act. in europe and a global level.
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you have underlined it is quite rightly and i would like to offer my sincere praise to france for its determination to stand side-by-side with the people of mali. you, doing this can have guarantee that your, too, is present defending our interests and our values, and ensuring that our mission goes beyond the borders of europe itself. president of the republic, inc. you -- thank you. today you have shown france's willingness to act but also your personal conviction towards european integration and the demonstration of solidarity. thank you. [applause] [speaking in native tongue] >> translator: now we will start with debate. first of all as it will give the floor to -- [speaking french]
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>> translator: mr. president, mr. president of the commission members and jumped up, colleagues. let me begin by thanking you, mr. president of the republic for your statement, your european policy. and also for allowing us to have this discussion today. if i'm speaking to you today, it's as a compatriot but also as a chairman in the european parliament. a group whose members come from 26 member states, and i can therefore speak about the concerns that we've had. let's get right down to it. we are concerned by the proposals from the european council for the next multi-annual framework. these proposals are going in the wrong direction. instead of investing in the future of europe, we are attacking one of our best tools to generate growth, the european budget, a budget which 94% goes back to the member states in terms of investment. investment which itself has they
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multi-effect. without this month some member states will not be able to carry out reforms meekness by the economic crisis. cutting the budget this much is a political mistake. let's actually be honest and tell our citizens what we're really doing here. so don't attack us. we are not spoiled kids. we know what the economic reality is, and we are not just providing a wish list. we are asking for a budget which is credible for a europe which will be up to the ambition it claims it has. it is not that, then it's a good enough. the proposal we have at the moment is basically active political resignation and we're going to reject it, mr. president. make no mistake about that. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: and there's worse to come.
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it's not 1968 anymore. and for the first time in history of the european union, the proposals that have been submitted to us will lead to a deficit, college. already in 2012, the budget has a deficit of 16 billion euros. we have to sacrifice and penalize thousands of students. what's the meaning of this? what's the point of this that members states, heads of state are just going to run a deficit? we are not going to go along with his, mr. president. there are rules and we will make sure they are respected, starting with article iii 10 which calls for a balanced budget. do i really have to remind you that this deficit system led to member states to the situation which we find ourselves today?
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it's a standing that member states are opposing something on the one hand, they are asking to strengthen our economic governance with a sixpack and with a sixpack and a two pack, and they're asking us to stop running deficits. but they want us to learn these bad habits all over again. we've got 960 billion commitments, and the same amount of payment. any direction of a company will tell you that's economic suicide, and it is too simple, mr. president, and you shouldn't hide behind david cameron. you are faced with a choice between two opposing camps and you've made quite clear what choice are going to make, so go ahead and make the right choice. don't choose the camera an option. who wants a little by little to unpick and unravel the european union. i do going the way of european parliament for an eu able to meet the challenges and you need to come out and say that quite
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clear as your fellow citizens. mr. president of the republic. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: i want to thank you for having got the budget treaty ratified in parliament because that's a good sign for europe, but i looked long and hard. i don't see what's happened to your 120 billion euros. where have those billions gone, mr. president? please tell us. we are legislators. and we are men and women of goodwill, but we have a responsibility to our fellow citizens. we get here to talk, teen ago she, you need to know that there are points which we won't give ground on. first of all, there is the question of flexibility. we need to have genuine flexibility in the financial framework between budget alliance and between news. that's how we have managed to run the budget properly in the context of austerity and balanced budget.
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second, own resource but if the european budget is going to be financed properly, it will allow us to reduce the contributions and in particular put an end to the whole -- horsetrading and carpet any system, and also the famous fair returns. also, thirdly, the need for a revision clause. figures at the moment are limited because of the crisis. we realize that and noted, but i hope, and we all hope, that in the next two or three years the situation will be better. we will need a new budget and we will also need tax and social harmonization. i'm aware that some people are afraid that they accounts on thursday and friday will fail. i do feel that way. i can see a good way of avoiding a bad agreement. using annual budgets for two or three years, as you said. you can look at the situation, prepare the new financial
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perspectives as you said. that's perfectly straightforward. that's no problem as far as we are concerned at all. colleagues, we shouldn't be afraid of moving to an annual budget, because as things stand at the moment we need to take old decisions and we are 60 billion short in the budget. .. >> it's a real thing. without that euro, the crisis would have hit us much, much harder, and all of these bad
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portends, we proved that they were groundless and wrong. europe is our great opportunity. it's our great strength, it's our great values, and as well as our state, it protects our or fellow citizens. this isn't the time to destroy what we've built and troy our image, thank you -- destroy our image, thank you very much. [applause] [speaking in native tongue] >> translator: now on behalf of the socialists and democratics, mr.-- [inaudible] [speaking in native tongue] >> translator: president, let me, first of all, thank you for being amongst us in strasbourg as a moment when france is taking on important
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responsibilities in mali. you've taken a bold decision in deploying french soldiers in an african country and free frit the grasp of jihadist -- free it from the grasp of jihadists. you can count on our support in the fight against terrorism, though we need a new alliance between europe and africa to fight terrorism, drug trafficking, but also poverty and corruption. you were elected as europe went through a triple crisis, political, social and economic crisis. and you have begun to change things in europe in the eight months you've been in office, and that's a good thing for europe and a good thing for citizens. mrs. merkel is no longer the ceo of merkel limited. europe needs a balanced approach open to compromise and future-looking, forward-looking. we have, thanks to you, a growth
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pact in order to counterblind austerity measures. but we now need to flesh out this pact to create jobs, because the cost of unemployment, extraordinary, and they represent something like 1% of gdp. you've made initial agreements to a banking union with mrs. merkel, and now finance ministers and the european parliament will have to decide on the same thing in the next few weeks. social europe still exists. our commitment has been taken to reinforce the eurozone, but we need specific measures. these are real projects, but europe finds itself still in crisis. the socialist and democratic group in the european parliament has been fighting with austerity overdose for months.
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this is not our vision for europe. two years ago we suggested removing certain types of investment from the balanced budget's rule and calculations, but nothing happened. we rejected that idea. we have recession, we have unemployment skyrocketing. soon there'll be ten million more unemployed people in europe than there were in 2008. we don't want any more of this austerity which is pushing people into poverty and unemployment. we need to give them, we need to give the european economy a breath of oxygen, a breath of fresh air. mrs. lagarde and the imf have admitted that they were wrong about the impact of austerity policies. my group, the socialists and
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democrats, would like to see reasonable balancing of budgets which is something that people can bear the weight of. and as you said, we have time to develop it. we also in europe need to look towards growth. that will give us competitiveness if we invest in research, development, innovation, new technologies and the environment, that growth will come. president, in two years you will attend a meeting which will be crucial for the future of europe. it will be a meeting devoted to the budget for the next seven years. and we want a modernizing budget devoted to growth. and that is where the french/german alliance can show its worth. you've said, yes, make savings. but weaken the economy, no. yes, win socialist and
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democratic group agree with that. finally, we need stability in the eurozone without closing the door to other countries that wish to join it. but that needs to be batesed on a solid social pact. -- based on a solid social pact. let me give you an example. we need a guarantee for young people. you've already shown your commitment to young people. we agree with you. on the role that young people have to play. a minimum income in europe. social dialogue at european level. your government has already set off on this path by signing up to a historic pact between social partners. we need to remain attractive in europe by offering democratic guarantees, and the european parliament and the national parliaments have to play a full role in doing so. president, the french/german friendship has just celebrated
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its 50th anniversary. however, it's also 60 years since the european coal and steel community treaty was signed. now the coal and steel industries are threatened with extinction. some leaders think that this is not an industry for the future, but they're very, very wrong. if we don't have any industry in europe, then we'll be even more vulnerable in a globalized world. so here you have some strategy and competitiveness and progressive ideas. we can't act alone on the global stage. we in the social democrats don't believe that europe is an a la carte option. that's not our version of
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europe. it's not just a big, single market with no political ambitions. right from the word go, the european construct has been a political construct based on friendship between peoples, based on humanist values, guaranteeing equality between men and women, based on tolerance, justice and where no discrimination based on religion, gender or ethnicity can be accepted. so, president, i'm very pleased to see that your government is defending marriage for all. [applause] >> translator: that is also our stance on the issue. change is afoot in france, president, but also in europe. we need to continue in order to create a fairer social europe, one that shows solidarity and one which is stronger on the global stage. your role is crucial, president.
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do not give in to the vision of a single market that mr. cameron sees. that's not our vision of europe. quite the contrary, in fact. you need to say to mrs. merkel, mr. president: angela, eisenhower, brant, schmidt, cole, all of these men had a vision of europe. help me to achieve our vision of europe. you've said that you would recreate the french vision when you were elected, and now in the council you can help breathe life back into the european vision. thank you. [applause] [speaking in native tongue] >> translator: thank you very much, indeed. now on behalf of the united
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liberals and -- [inaudible] displt thank you, president. mr. swoboda's already done it, but let me say again, let me thank you -- congratulate the liberal in you, if you don't mind. i don't want to create problems that your socialist friends, but your struggle in favor of marriage for all is a step forward, it's a new freedom, and it's at the heart of the battle that we're trying to fight in our group. thank you very much. [applause] [speaking in native tongue] >> translator: sixty years ago, jean manet said we're bringing together men, we're not bringing together states. and, in fact, still true, mr. president. our union only has a meaning if it becomes a federation of peoples and nations which is what winston churchill called the united states of europe.
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and for jean manet and for winston churchill, of course, this union was a distant dream, a mirage almost. but today it's become, i would say, a duty, a crucial duty for the very survival of europe. because in today's world it's not just a planet of 200 nation-states, it's a kind of conglomeration of powerful fed rations; empires, civilizations. look at china. china's not a nation, china's a civilization. india. i would ya's not a nation -- india's not a nation, it's a continent with 2,000 different ethnicities, 33 languages -- 22 languages and at least four major religions. and the united states is a multiculturalcountry, so europe hasn't got a future unless as you said, mr. president, we move
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towards being a federation. i would say an empire, but empire in the good sense of the world. and a european civilization people deny the existence of europe. it's not some kind of chimera, it needs to be something we can see from the -- [inaudible] to the atlantic. and let's be honest with our citizens and with our voters. how can we sort off the the financial -- out the financial crisis, the economic recession? climate change? these are all issued which require concerted action, an overall approach going beyond the borders of international sovereignty. what we need to say to our citizens today is that it's at europe-level, that that sovereignty must be put together again. we should defend our interests, because that's the only level in tomorrow's world where that sovereignty can even be exercised. and, mr. president, i think of
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all the member states in the e.u., it's france and the u.k. that understood hundreds of years ago that uniting their territory, their public administration could be good for their citizens. and france has a vocation, i'd say, a duty even to move that forward, that unification at continental level. just as paris has disappeared in the concert of nations in the 19th century, nations will no longer be dominant in the 21st century. so here there is a battle that's going to be fought on friday. and after what joseph dole said, i wonder what we've got left to talk about. but the future financing of the e.u. we shouldn't forget the financial problems that we're going through.
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but could you, perhaps, is it so hard, mr. president, is it so hard to get your colleagues to understand that in times of austerity it's better to pool the resources we have rather than renationalizing european policies? [applause] >> translator: let's just give you a few examples. defense, diplomacy, research, innovation, there are dozens of billions which we could save by working together in an enhanced european budget just as there are millions which could be saved if we want to start discussions on the seat of the european institutions. unfortunately, what's happening is the opposite of that. there's a political shortsightedness which reigns in europe at the moment. and there is actual budget fraud which is going to be perpetrated on friday, i fear.
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because, colleagues, the commitments are going to be put at the level desired by the cohesion countries for commitments and payments at the level desired by contributor countries. the result, obviously, is this famous 60 billion deficit plus the 60 we already had at the -- plus the 16 we already had at the beginning. so that's 76 billion. 36 billion euros -- 76 billion euros, and whether i say it in a french accent or a belgian one, it stays exactly the same. [laughter] >> translator: so there's a problem. and it might be odd for me as a liberal to ask you as a president and a socialist to say, no. please say, no. let's say no together, no to an
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irresponsible framework. no to a framework which simply isn't up to the job of meeting the challenges that we face. that's what's at stake on friday. and finally let me come back to the question of mali. you heard, i'm sure, the round of applause when you talk about the decision that you'd taken. it's just not on that a jihadi regime should take power, but let me talk about another tragedy. syria. we've had two years of horror, tens of thousands of deaths, hundreds of thousands of displaced persons and refugees, and every year -- so every day that we let go by without helping the insurgents is going eventually to help the islamists. because it's the jihadis who might well end up winning. that's why i beg you, mr.
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president, we can talk about that perhaps on friday as well. rather than this mistaken budget. we need to provide huge amounts of humanitarian aid. we need to set up a no-knew zone in northern syria -- a no-fly zone in northern syria. and if we aren't bold enough to do that, let's at least give the people the weapons so that they can defend themselves in this terrible situation. [applause] [speaking in native tongue] >> translator: you are great as a liberator in mali, mr. president, and i hope that with your colleagues you'll be able to become a hero in syria too. thank you very much. [applause] [speaking in native tongue] >> translator: thank you very much, indeed. now on behalf of the greens, mr. bandit. [speaking french] >> translator: president,
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president francois, i've understood change is now. so let's go straight at it. bring it on. we won't have a private conversation, let's have a private conversation even though there are lots of people in the room with us. you talked about european values, but we also have to be intelligent enough to say that europe didn't defend its own values when i it was in league -- when it was in league with dictators in the south of the mediterranean. and when the people rose up then, we said that we shared those values with them. there's a different, physical balancing act to have in politics between our values and our interests. sometimes we support. saudi arabia, for example, or
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other forces for ill. it's often contrary to our values that we are reacting. there is a contradiction, and sometimes it is rather difficult contradiction for us to deal with. and now we're talking about europe in the future. let's not talk just about the budget. there's also a fundamental problem in the council and between the council and the parliament; namely, how do we see to the value added that the european budget offers. the stupidest thing to say is to say since i have to save money at a national level, we have to save money at the european level. we should be saying quite the opposite. history teaches that because there are recessions in the member states, we need an e.u. budget that can reinvigorate those economies. joseph's quite right when he says where of the 120 billion gone?
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it's not your fault. we need to ask mr. shoibler, mrs. merkel. he's not in charge of the budget alone. why am i saying this to you now? well, because your peers can't see this relaunch of the european economy coming. indeed, if you look at the steel industry, the automobile sector, france and germany seem to be, seem to believe that they can get out of it, this crisis on their own. but we don't have a country-by-country steel automobile industry. let's throw down the gauntlet now and talk about industrial redeployment in europe. let's look at mobility in our cities and create trams that we can build in europe and then export as airbus builds and exports aircraft. now, you've said that we have to be clear. you've said that we have to be
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determined, and i would also say we have to be responsible. but we also need imagination. otherwise we're just going round in circles and doing nothing new. if we tried to create the world of tomorrow with yesterday's ideas, then it's not going to work. the ideas of yesterday have created the contradictions that we see in front of us today. so we need new ideas for the world of tomorrow. you talked about the c.a.p., for example. now, let's not ignore the truth. we've got the french rebate, the u.k. rebate, that's part of the c.a.p.. but you talked about the c.a.p. today, and can you talked only about the food and agriculture or industry. does the c.a.p. have to serve all european farmers and not the minority in the agrifood industry? 80% of c.a.p. money goes to 20%
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of farmers. well, that's not solidarity for me. france, the u.k., germany are blocking ceilings on holding payments. that's not solidarity. the figures are crazy. those who get more than 300,000 euros -- there are 160 of them in france -- there are 100,000 your -- euros going to farms in france and 10,000 in europe. let's put the ceiling on payments for even, for all the farmers. the agrifood industry can defend itself. it doesn't need the european budget to do it for it. lastly on mali, you're quite right. but now we have to see things through. europe has a big role to play.
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reconciliation is difficult, it's not going to be easy with the tour regular, but we need reconciliations within mali. mali's problem is that some less than democratic countries like algeria didn't play their regional role. indeed, they're playing with fire, attacking terrorists on the one hand and supporting them on the other. is so see things through at the international level. here i agree with you. that's not for france, this is something for europe. but that's another story, another fairy tale. because there we need a representative of the external action service who is worthy of the name which is not the case at the moment. if you can create a european energy area, a europe that's of
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renewable energy, if france can do that, if we can have binding goals on renewable energies, then you'll see all of the greens in europe saying francois is on our side, and we're on francois' side. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: on behalf of the conservatives and reformist group, mr. callahan. >> mr. president, may i start by joining with the other group leaders and paying tribute to you and to your brave armed forces for the current operation in mali. your troop, aided by british and other member state forces, are risking their lives to protect us, and we owe them a huge debt of gratitude, and i think the chamber is united on that point. [applause] mr. president, thank you for agreeing to hold a debate here in strasbourg today which is, of course, a beautiful and welcoming city. one that should perhaps be
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visited by everyone at least once, but maybe not once every month. [applause] you label yourself pro-european, but if you truly were, then you would allow the treaties to be changed so that once and for all this parliament can finally decide where and when it sits. [applause] a large majority of members from all different nationalities in this chamber from all political groups including even some french members are now in favor of this reform. i hope you will support it, and i'm sorry that none of the other group leaders had the courage to mention it. mr. president, i don't want to concentrate purely on strasbourg today. instead i want to convey a simple message: thank you. thank you for brilliantly demonstrating for the rest of europe exactly what a socialist government looks like in practice. one that gets elected on an end
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to austerity and is then hurricaned into introducing harsh budget cuts. i hope all of the socialist parties across europe campaigning on similar themes are watching what actually happens in practice. now, when the socialists left power in my country, they left a note in the country's treasury, and it said i'm afraid there is no money left. last week your labour minister admitted that france is bankrupt. and let's be clear, things aren't in great shape in other countries either. but since you've come to power, we have seen how devastating socialism can actually be even to a country as well-placed and talented as france. and when we look at the start of the crisis, it was socialist governments in spain, in britain, in portugal and greece that maxed out the national credit cards, and it is conservative and center-right parties who are helping to clear up the mess that they created.
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mr. president, you have shown us our socialist future. if we increase taxes to 75%, if we lower the retirement age to 60, if we have a 35-hour working week, of course that is electorally atrackivity. -- attractive. but also it is devastating the to our international competitiveness. ronald reagan used to have a great saying. if it moves, tax it. if it keeps moving, regulate it. and when it stops moving, subsidize it. now reagan, of course, meant that as a joke, but sadly many of our socialists in this chamber see it as some sort of manifesto. if europe is to thrive, then we need to charge a new direction. for socialists, and you've said it again today, the single market means harmonized labour rules. it means, as you said, harmonized taxes and harmonized economic policies. for me, a single market means a flee forum where we -- free
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forum where we all compete with each other and become more competitive in the international market. and i raise this point because many in this house -- and i think you hinted at it in your speech -- that david cameron was somehow asking for an unfair competitive advantage in the his speech two weeks ago. that is simply not the case. he wants reform for all of europe, a single marketplace where one country can have lower taxes such as an island, where other countries can have more flexible labour rules such as in the u.k., some countries can have industry-friendly policies such as in germany and yet all still integral members of the single market. after david cameron's speech, your foreign minister said this approach was like joining a football club and wanting to play rugby. now, i like him. he's been right before. if you remember, he led the french no campaign against the
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european constitution, and i think he's right again. in fact, i don't think he realized quite what a good analogy that actually was, because, of course, on a football pitch is exactly where the game of rugby was said to be invented. no doubt at the time the person who picked up that ball and ran with it was derided, ip subtled and shouted at by his fellow players. but, of course, we now know that he invented a game followed by millions, although i suspect its popularity is waning after sunday's result. congratulations to italy. personally, i prefer football. and i'm delighted to tell you that we have just -- wait a second, mr. cohen- bendit. now, i don't know whether your new 75% tax rate had anything to do with their enthusiasm to leave france and join new castle, but if it did, can i say on behalf of all fans,.
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[speaking french] france's gain is -- france's loss is newcastle's gain. mr. president, i want to see a strong france helping to move europe in a new direction. so far the first few months of your presidency have shown the socialism will deliver neither. thank you very much. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: now on behalf to the efd group, mr. devilliers. [speaking french] >> translator: mr. president of the republic, colleagues, please allow the minority in this house to be heard. there's no question that
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tomorrow -- [speaking in native tongue] >> translator: that will tomorrow up questioningly represent the vast majority of the people outside this chamber. >> translator: mr. president, you've been congratulated warmly by president barrasso on behalf of the commission in brussels. i'm sure you were happy about that, but it's worrying to me. you said something which i agreed with, you're worried about people in europe getting, losing confidence in europe. perhaps the person who voted no in 2005 last time we had a referendum who's sitting beside you inspired that feeling. but the fairy tale goes on. let me say, mr. president, very, very solemnly and in a very
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respectful and friendly way, your dream, your dream of the merging of european nations by integration, the dream of the postnational elites has melted away in the hearts of the peoples of europe. it's disintegrated. because it was wrapped up in a tissue of lies, a lie of shame which should have given us security while getting rid of internal borders, the lie of a europe without customs protection which was to bring us prosperity through trade. but it's brought the end of our industry. you're aware of that. and your colleagues regret this every day.
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and then the euro which was supposed to bring us growth. and the power of an oligarchy in brussels which was, finally, supposed to gain the confidence of our people. so people are moving further away from this. they're doing it because everywhere they see austerity, impoverishment, a slump, and none of this looking like it's ever going to get any better. so what this has led to, mr. president, is that we want you to use a word that's taboo in this house, taboo in the areas where the big businessmen are the people who have property from globalization.
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it's the word "referendum" so that people can actually speak their peace. because we need borders, we need frontiers, we need protection, we need a stable, legal framework. we shouldn't allow these rights to be trap led. we -- trampled. we need you to protect our vital instrument, mr. president. you mentioned francois mitterand. you're part of the generation, as am i, that saw the berlin wall fall. but let's not replace it with another wall, because it could fall and crush you. thank you. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: now on behalf of the confederate group of the european united left, ms. zimmer. [speaking in native tongue] >> translator: president hollande, welcome to the
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european parliament. in general terms the statement that people can be judged by their deeds is a maxim which usually holds. we listen to speeches made by other heads of government, heads of state as well. you have actually nurtured hopes amongst us not just for france, but for other countries in the european union. looking at sovereign debt and debt on the part of banks and the sovereign debt in the e.u. has gone up from 66% of gnp to 92% of gdp without this having improved the lives of ordinary people. and this was a result of the bailout program. now, we also need to look at the international finance markets and the criticisms thereof. now, you talked about austerity, you said we have to turn the tide of austerity, and we have
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to invest in social policy in europe. you also talked about a reorientation of europe being a very technical issue. you're not the only one who thinks that. we have a lot of political forces who would like to adopt an approach of that type, a lot of eminent economists have also put forward similar arguments. but the question is, where have we have got to today when it comes to tackling the root causes of the problem? unfortunately, we haven't tackled those root causes because we need to look at the global cause as well as the issue of the accumulation of capital when it comes to combating the international financial crisis as well as the social crisis and the ecological crisis which lies ahead. so we have to confront the fact that we're seeing untrampled speculation in land and other commodities. so we need to make sure ha money
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is put -- that money is put and earmarked for growth. well, where is that money for growth going? what is being invested in? and what about the drastic cuts in public spending? is a stop going to be put to that? are we talking about funding the education systems, the health systems, public services and so on? every percentage of austerity leads to a loss in growth. austerity and wage restraint are poisonous. they're toxic. now, here we've been talking about the budgetary discipline on the parts of the member state, but there are billions of euros in deficits in future e.u. budgets. so we need to look at cohesion policy, for example, against that backdrop. you said you going to stand up for cohesion policy, but please, be consistent. stop macroeconomic conditionality being introduced. because here we are just going
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to see a further anchoring of the differences between the center and the periphery. and here don't make any compromises. don't go in for any compromises on friday that to not take account of the concerns about this. the e.u. will flounder if these programs are being abolished. if we talk about youth unemployment, well, a lot has been said on that subject today. but how the youth guarantee going to be funded? we're talking about what places for young people, employment for young people, but workplaces are being employed under conditions. we need guarantees in the futures and the lives of our young people. and one final word on mali. unlike many others here in this chamber, we think that military intervention is the wrong path to follow, because if we're
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talking about the medium and long-term consequences of military intervention, they are not yet clear. though we know that the population of mali suffer the most, and we need to look at not just our foreign trade policy which has contributed to the crisis in mali, but we need to look at the crisis in our western democratic institutions which have let the people down. so we have to look at avoiding a trade-off between human rights and democracy and access to raw materials in mali. please sport the protests -- support the protests on the part of communities in mali and make sure that the e.u./africa strategy is fleshed out so that it really is something that has new life breathed into it so that we have proper living conditions not just for people, but for nature because that would be something that you can count on our support for.
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>> translator: thank you, ms. zimmer. now on behalf of the nonattached members, ms.-- [inaudible] [speaking french] >> translator: president, i listened to what you, mr. dole, mr. swoboda had to say, and this mutual back-slapping is something that continues from the time of your predecessor, mr. sarkozy. the euro-septics that we are, we'll have to -- laughed as we heard we were a dying species. today i think we can see quite how funny some of the speeches today have been about the glowing future of europe. but unfortunately, that laughter has turned to a frown now. your economics minister has
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already said that the efforts being put in place are too much and that the euro rate is now penalizing exports. and we are losing competitiveness compared to other countries. the french trade balance is in deficit, an annual record now of 70 billion euro. and public finances are in a powerless state which is threatening france's solvency. we have 800 billion in debt and enormous interest payments being paid on that over the last few years. at the same time, we have endemic unemployment, and it's high time to accept that you have got things wrong. continuing with your economic and social policy which is very similar to that of your predecessor's is something that you can only do with money and
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with the backing of a totalitarian e.u.. paris and berlin have relied on the bankers from goldman sachs in order to back their short-term goals. mr. cohen supported the use of them. that doesn't surprise me. that means cutting wages if goldman sachs has been asking for 30% wage cut, and you know that that is then social dilapidation. what does this mean for competitiveness? well, the french statistics institute has said that 20 percent devaluation of the eurozone would lead to a 3% decrease in gdp. that reevaluation might not solve some of the underlying problems because it'd still be the problem of the single
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current si in countries that are so very different to one another. however, it would be a little breath of fresh air, a provisional breath of fresh air to the economy. we have to take the single currency apart ourselves before it does it itself as the market floors overheat. i'm talking about europe, but i'm a euro realist. you also boast to listen to your citizens, but the citizens are turning their back on the euro federalism that you're trying to force on them. and thai doing that because you're not -- they're doing that because you're not trying to protect those citizens. you're refusing to admit when you make mistakes and radically change the course you set. even worse mr. cohen-bendit is starting to threaten us. indeed, he's hateful in what he says. budapest today, athens tomorrow, london then. as soon as people stand up to the global dictate, the e.u.
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smacks them down and shows them contempt, arrogance and insults them as you do, mr. cohelpbend it. -- cohen-bendit. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: well, you won't be able to carry on like this for very long by making caricatures of those who oppose your model. in those circumstances, president, on behalf of france and europe will you decide to turn your back on this ultraliberal, globalist economic model which has been destroying jobs and the quality of life over the last 20 years for all europeans? thank you. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: so i will now give the floor to president hollande.
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>> translator: well, i knew that when i came to the european parliament, it would be a way of preparing for what awaits me, and i've got no regrets about coming here this morning. finding people from the same side as me in france who i haven't met for some time, but also i was able to listen to various groups telling me how i could act in the european council. you'd have thought they would actually be speaking to their own heads of state in government. but when i leave here, i will have all the various arguments
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in favor of a compromise that is a good compromise. i'm aware that what's available today on the table won't satisfy the majority in this house. so i'll say that to my colleagues, my fellow heads of state and government. i listened to the european parliament, i listened to its various voices. they want a correct level of expenditure and a revision of the resources so that we can look with confidence to the future. i'm sure that the president -- or the commission would also repeat his remarks here because i'm not giving away any secrets about the european council, but there are a certain number of
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people who will say, well, we do what we do in the european parliament. in our groups. i hope that's not going to be the case here. so what can we do together? >> i said, first of all, make sure that budgetary cuts don't jeopardize growth, and i'm going to be watching very carefully the plan which was adopted last june. what has happened to the 120 billion euros? well, they should be part of the european financial framework, first of all. they're in the european investment bank which was recapitalized the june of ten billion as far as project financing is concerned, but also these appropriations will be part of the structural funds. some of which are not being spent and some which are going to be spent in the european
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financial framework in the same way. i can't speak up in favor of principle of solidarity and a principle of growth and note that certain countries are going to continue to ask for checks and rebates. and so, well, france will have an advantage if we cut common policy expenditure, particularly cohesion policy, because that will reduce your net contribution. i don't go along with that line of argument. i think france needs to participate fully in the european budget. it needs to be able to get out what it's entitled to, but it shouldn't call for a which can or a rebate, because -- for a check or a rebate, because that will mean that fascist ideas have run out when everyone comes and asks for a return on their fair contributions. [applause]
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[speaking french] >> translator: but, never the less, i do want to look for a compromise. it would be irresponsible on my part as the head of state of a major european state to hope for failure. so i'm going to look for an agreement. and i hope you can help me to find it. because if we believe that we need to protect common policies -- i'll come back to agricultural policy later -- and also protect growth-oriented policies, we could have 960 billion euro in terms of commitments, but there are subtle distinctions between commitments and payments as very well proved by mr. verhoevstet. but what we can't allow is there
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to be a deficit in the budgeter year and subsequently we have to ask country toss fill in the gaps at the european level. when we're talking about the european budget and the financial framework, what are we actually talking about? 1 president. 1 % of european wealth. and we're asking ourself the question as to whether a tiny little bit more would throw all national budgets out of kilter. well, they wouldn't. we need to make sure that the european budget remains a growth-oriented budget. [applause] >> translator: and it's always more important as we were told that we put some order in our public finances. so we ourselves need to carry out cuts that are sometimes painful in our appropriations. so we need european support. and given that, some references have been made to the past to
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the continue innocents. we need to make sure that what exists at federal level or european level here should allow us to counterbalance what we do at national level. when it comes to mr. swoboda's priorities, he was quite right when he said that 60 years ago we were able to come up with the idea of the european coal and steel community. and unquestionably today there is still restructuring to be carried out in that sector. but there are industries that we need to perfect. i believe in the european iron and steel industry. and daniel cohen-bendit told us to be imagine -- imaginative. there's some consistency he's been showing at least.
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that's why he's sitting here. but couldn't we today and for the next 50 years have a european energy community where we would set up instruments for energy saving, the development of renewable energies and reducing our dependence on fossil fuel as much as we can? let's do that. but that, of course, means that there would have to be money made available in the european financial framework. and it's quite ru that it's easy -- true that it's easy to look for expenditure in the future in order to protect expenditures carried out in the present or even the past. i'm thinking about agricultural policy. obviously, i'm from france, and i set great store by that policy and that money. but france -- that's not to say that france wouldn't be in favor
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of a ceiling for agricultural expenditure. of we are. i'm also aware that today it's animal husbandry which we need to be promoting rather that simply the growing of crops. there's a stock-raising crisis in europe because of the cost of raw materials and the cost of cereals and grain. i am willing to see a reduction in direct financial assistance, but also we need a second pillar for rural development which will allow all farmers to be supported by the e.u.. and i said it very clearly, we need rules for the respect for the environment. i see some countries that are talking about stopping the greening of the european budget. that was progress both for agriculture and for the e.u. as a whole in the same way. i'm in favor of cohesion policies. not simply to meet the demands of the countries concerned, but
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because we need to have solidarity, we need to have investments which will get the whole of the european economy moving. that's why i'll do all i can to defend not the european parliament, but the actual idea of solidarity. if we want an agreement, it needs to be, of course, adopted by the parliament anyway. there'll be no point to try to please this person or that person, to find an agreement taking two days and one night and wake up and find that the parliament's just said no. so let's work together. let's work together to stand up for the positions which we think are the best. there is a paradox here which is that those who are keenest on cutting the european budget are those countries who have the most to lose if we come back to
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the system of annual budgets. and i'd ask them to think about that. because some checks and some rebates would cease to exist if we go back to an annual system. and also in a certain series of expenditure we would spend more money with annual budgets than we do with a compromise on the multiannual framework. let me also thank you for the support which you've provided when it comes to the french intervention in mali. we really couldn't do anything else. not to take a decision, not to have done what we've done, this is not a theory, this is fact. terrorist groups would simply have controlled the whole country. and controlling the whole of mali would mean they would have an impact on all of the countries in west africa.
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mr. cohen-bendit mentioned algeria. let me say here how much algeria has suffered from years and years of terrorism. and if there is a country which is a victim of barbarism, it is algeria. and it was a victim of barbarism a few days ago with this hostage-taking incident. i don't want to talk about what was done by the algerian authorities on their own territory, striking at the terrorists who were holding the hostages -- several hundred people. we need algeria in that part of the world. we will need algeria to fight terrorism. we will need algeria to help promote a development policy. we'll need algeria for political dialogue including dialogue with the tour -- too regulars.
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coming back from bamako and timbuktu, the people that i saw, and they weren't gathered together because we asked them to, they were not cheering the president of the french republic, but french soldiers who were in mali. these people had been freed from slavery, oppression and barbarism, and what we want is, they wanted us to stay. and i said that we would stay if the africans themselves decided that, and we would stay as long as necessary because it's vital that africans take charge of their own security. but one thing that is certain, and i promise you here that we have a duty in that part of africa to be present. not to provide aid, not to provide subsidies, not to
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provide ad hoc assistance, but general win development and genuine -- genuine development and general win support to a part of the world which is one of the poorest regions on the planet. but a part of the world which contains wealth. and here let me say that france intervened in the mali on behalf of europe and the international community not to define -- defend its own interests. there are no mines or oil in mali. there are no french companies which i want to protect. in mali there's no interest which france was following when it intervened. what we were doing was protecting the malians themselves and their possibilities for economic development. and if there is responsibility as far as europe is concerned, it is that we now need to start developing that region together. let me say something about political dialogue.
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i'm aware that there's sill a good deal to be -- there's still a good deal to be done. the most difficult is stability and security. the most difficult is to make sure that democracy can be reestablished, yes. the most difficult is to make sure that the touareg issue which goes back a long way can be sorted out now. but that's not just up to france. it's the responsibility of the whole of europe. and i know that thank as to your support today that it will be possible to provide that assistance. thank you very much, mr. president. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: colleagues, we now have a second round, and as far as this round is concerned, we have to be very strict to sticking to speaking time because we are behind reversal.
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so this time we are giving the floor in reverse order which means ms. la pen has the floor for who minutes. [speaking french] >> translator: president, it seems very politically correct to have a go at the u.k. at the moment, and you've done it yourself on several occasions. now, for whatever reasons the u.k. is questioning certain issues, but let's look reality in the face for a moment. there are founding fathers of europe, founding countries of europe who are engaged in intensive social dumping without anybody pointing the finger at them. is that the europe that you want to see? it's certainly not the one that you're putting in place, much to the chagrin of french workers. look at germany. farm workers and food sector
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workers work for three or four euro per hour. this practice is something that is spreading to other sectors. it's as good as slavery, and it's undermining both the unions and, also, sectors of the french economy as well. you can praise european exports, but our market gardeners, meat producers or are losing market share day by day. i've heard that mrs. merkel wants to set up a my mum weak -- a minimum wage. well, this is something that's been on the table for over a year but which hasn't even begun to be thought about going in the right direction. germany's economic power resides on the social dumping that they
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engage in. are we bold enough to denounce these practices, this social dumping going on in germany? you've talked about being bold, you've talked about many cameron's reticence -- [speaking french] >> translator: thank you. now mr.-- [inaudible] on behalf of the united left. [speaking french] >> translator: thank you, mr. president. mr. president of the republic, you rightly stressed the need for a europe which shows solidarity, and with your government you're trying to stop the division which because of austerity policies is undermining relations between our people. the constant increase of the number of poor people. and we're trying to stop the ending of the provision of monies to the poorest people in europe while banks are being
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bailed out. don't you think it's time to call on the people of europe to keep up levels of food aid? secondly, monetary austerity is being applied, wage austerity is happening throughout france and europe. it's always said it's in favor of competitiveness, but it's something that is undermining democratic rights and work in general. but when you talked about the euro's value, don't you think that's actually a handicap to competitiveness? it's destroying jobs, it's destroying companies. isn't it high time to try to change the role of the european central bank and to change the european stability mechanism into a fund for social development and green development by setting up a new credit line? instead of flexibility at work and stopping, doing something to stop the reduction of wages and destruction of our public services.
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finally, mr. dole asked you about the growth pact, and i was surprised by your reply. because you said that you would recycle it in the next budget. doesn't that mean that this is just theoretical and not practical at all? [speaking french] >> translator: thank you. now mr. ferris. >> despite your own view, you're doing rather a lot for the skeptic debate in france. the decision to decrease the retirement age, the decrease in minimum wage, but also the hate tax means that the competitiveness gap within france and germany is getting wider. that is now being reflected in a flight of capital from french banks, and people are beginning to notice. they're actually, ultimately, the euro is not just doomed in the mediterranean, but it's going to be impossible for france and germany to stay
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together inside the same economic monetary union. so on the basis that your employment minister says the country's bankrupt, what do you do? well, the old trick, launch a foreign military intervention. so your troops go off to mali, and, yes, it's very good to see the smiling faces in timbuktu for the moment. but you've done this on behalf of the european union. it is now an e.u. mission. just two days ago tony blair said the european union is not about peace, the european union is about power. i think what he meant is the european union increasingly will be about war, because the response to mali, the response to it being an e.u. mission -- and we've heard it all around the chamber today, the liberals urging us to intervene militarily in syria, support from right and left in this house that the e.u. should intervene militarily. i have to say this: if you
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really think that taking on fundamentalist, radical islam in battle is something that we can somehow succeed in, i suspect we will launch ourselves in the same way we have in afghanistan, on a decade of unending, unwinnable misery. i do not want the united kingdom to be part of a militaristic, warlike european union, and that's the speech that i've heard both from you, president hollande and from most people in this chamber today. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: no now, mr. callanan. >> thank you. mr. president, i think we've had a very good discussion today, and i certainly want to thank you for agreeing to do a e debate with us. it is, we are aware, something you did not have to do and certainly something that your predecessor never did, so thank you for that. let me say if you want to push ahead with your socialist policies in france, and then, of
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course, i wish you good luck. i don't think it will work, and we will certainly not stand in your way. however, i would make one plea, that you do not allow socialism, militant trade unionism to interfere with the proper functioning of the single market. in particular i want to raise with you the recent actions by french fishermen, especially in bo loan ya who have prevented disturb and belgian -- dutch and belgian vessels from landing there. in my own country, the main dover ferry route is rue teeptly blocked with the knock-on effects being traffic jams around the southeast of england. restore order in your ports, protect those -- [speaking french] >> secondly, don't try to use the second market as a means of harmonizing the rest of europe -- >> thank you very much. >> because if you do, people
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won't just be removing their money from france, they'll be removing it from europe. [speaking french] >> translator: mr. cohen-bendit for one minute. >> translator: mr. president, listening to everything that's been said here, it doesn't look like a compromise for the multiannual budget is possible. i think my friend, mr. dole's, suggestion is a good one. let's have two annual budget, and then let's sit down and look at what the european interest is. the crisis that we're going through is a failure to understand what our joint interest is. the energy europe has been sacrificed to this budget as has renewable energies. there are lots of examples where we're pulling everything downwards, and we we will not achieve anything. someone said the budget should be increased by 20%. schmidt said there needed to be
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a revolution in the budget. we need a compromise between counsel and the parliament, and that compromise is not one that we're going to find today. let's open up the discussion, open up the debate, and then in 2014 -- after the e.u. elections, we can create a multiannual financial framework which will be approved democratically by the european parliament. [speaking french] >> translator: now -- [inaudible] [speaking french] >> translator: mr. president, we're aware of the problems europe faces and the doubts sometimes about the or very idea of europe. but we know or i believe that the only way to do something about that is to stress the historic necessity for a stronger, more united europe. and they've done that this morning. i think there are two things we should do if we want to get the people back on side. first of all, obviously, europe isn't able to decide, and that's the weaknesses which is giving rise to all these doubts.
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europe isn't taking any decisions despite all the meetings we have. we need a europe that decides. we need a proper budget with its own resources based on a real energy policy, on industrial independence, on the monetary issues that you've mentioned as well, foreign policy and defense. deciding is what politics is all about. so, mr. president, you've gone through the intervention in mali, you've been there yourself, you've seen how vital it was to take decisions there. in a couple of hours to stand up for the values which we all share in this chamber. there's no crisis and if europe can actually make decisions rapidly. but the more we have that kind of europe, the more europe will need to be a genuinely democratic. it's vital that citizens have access to the people who run the european union, that they know e who they are, that they elect them directly. that they validate the political
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guidelines that europe follows. let's do that on their, in their name. that's what i believe, mr. president, that's my hope. thank you very much. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: thank you. now from the socialist group, ms. troutman. [speaking french] >> translator: thank you, president. i would like to speak to the president of the french republic, not to francois. because it's an honor to speak on behalf of my group to the president. this is a difficult period, and we should be looking at europe's future which we aren't during this debate. we should also look at why the european union exists. let's also think about what citizens aspire to. they want more solidarity at the international level. president, you've heard a broad range of views supporting broad approval for your intervention
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in mali. however, we can't defend only the interests of one member state and, therefore, we need a common defense and security policy for the whole of europe. this is really what you are trying to do in changing europe's course. the budget negotiations on the multiannual financial framework are a test of that solidarity where our credibility is put to the test. our policies and the means put towards achieving them in line with one another. this is something that other speakers have said in this debate, and i would just hike to say for our group it's -- like to say for our group it's no as well. but it will not be a policy of the empty chair. you have to take your responsibility, you have to bear the responsibility of discussing the issues so that we can have a budget that corresponds to the policies that we voted on. as to the multiannual financial framework, we need to set them out for young people to guarantee growth and employment.
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that is why we have an e.u. budget. it's a budget for investment and a pooling of our resources which is not just about national contributions to that budget. we need own resources like the financial transaction tax. this is one that france has done a lot to see happen, and this could be a cornerstone of our own resource. we need modern tools to deal with the growth issue. we can't create solidarity between the peoples of europe if we don't talk about european assistance for the underprivileged and vulnerable. a lot of people don't understand what we're trying to do, and that means we lose credibility. the commission's voice has to be heard, and the way that we help the underprivileged and the vulnerable will not just be, however, our wanting to impose solidarity. we'll also have to use the other policy tools of the european
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social fund. we need to invest to create jobs in europe and reallocate some social funds to young people. growth and jobs are the guarantee for young people in europe. to conclude, we need to work together to underscore the legitimacy of the european and national parliaments. the fact that we are co-deciding on growth issues, we need to cooperate with the national parliament and show how much this parliament can do for democracy. [applause] ..
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there are some strange differences and you will be surprised to do these. france is reducing its retirement age as europe gets older. everyone is trying just top money being misused and promote growth to create new jobs, and france is now punishing those people who want to work more than 35 hours a week. and it's driving entrepreneurs away. it's partners are cutting in administrative expenditure. they're using -- and acts. france is using some nail
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clippers. we don't seem to be getting rid of any of our 5000 civil servants over the next five years. the second biggest power in terms of the economy in the european union, when unemployment is rising, factories closing of entrepreneur's are leaving, europe is getting worse. we also expect france to show europe the way as one of its most committed members to you did that and mali, mr. president, and parliament pays tribute t you. that means one thing of course. first, france has to propose for the whole of europe. what we need to come up with today, together. is a model for european solidarity. kathleen has just said that. your opportunity, mr. president, is that now we need to decide upon the european budget right to the end of this decade.
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our problem is that today, around the table of counsel, no one is standing up in favor as europe apart from one. everyone is speaking for their own domestic purposes. you spoke in favor of a high budget last time you in the european parliament, president. now you need to win over yourself because there's no question that the uk has a right. but france has a right of veto as well. quite rightly, mrs. thatcher had a right of veto, but president mitterrand, helmut kohl, felt that they had to look after the destiny of europe come at a doubled reasonable funds and still get the iron lady happy. when it comes to european priorities, you said come and we agree, that the added value of european budget allows us to reach a critical mass. where globalization makes that
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necessary. so the big investment in future and also keeping europe's influence in the world, and playing a role in the destiny of their planet. so terrorists should be afraid. the u.s. industrial should be afraid. because what we're going to do is come up with eight, 10 thousands of european gdp and that's going to be the amount that's going to impact on our external action as well. and i've even heard rumors that france is going to pair these speakers even more so it gets more money back. this budget will at least be fair. when you took office in paris, mr. president, you said that fairness and justice will be the priorities underpinning all of your actions. well now is a chance to show that you meant that. the present system to finance the eu is the most unjust and unfair that there is.
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five of the richest countries pay relatively less than the 10 poorest ones. they are all new member states. parliament has proposed an overall reform based on new owned resources, and we are pleased what you have to say about that. france will fight. it accepts the principle. but you said the limitation is going to fight to put a seating on his own contribution which means of course making this tougher and more expensive for the poorest countries. the alchemist in the council might end up with some way of reducing, reducing the next seven years cohesion for expenditures for hunters like greece, portugal, spain, hungary. these countries need europe now more than ever before. they are suffering more than ever before. they have make more sacrifices than ever before and now we're
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deciding to help them even less. and, of course, they didn't have the political means to stand up and defend themselves. mr. president, going along with a compromise on such a basis is saying that you want a europe of solidarity, starting with social europe, throughout your term of office using mr. cameron's european budget. what kind of socialist could ever accept that? who here could accept that? my group doesn't accept it. thank you very much. [applause] [speaking in native tongue [speaking french] >> translator: president, members of the european parliament, let me begin by thanking you for the high
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quality of debate and for the candor of your remarks. let me thank you also for the usefulness of this discussion. listening to him, i was thinking to myself, you're asking a socialist to stop the conservatives coming up with a poor budget. thank you for the trust that you have placed in me. but it really does show the difference between your position in your government. i have to say to you here in the parliament that the socialists and democrats are a minority in the european council. so i hear your message, but her half you might also pass it onto
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your heads of state and governments in your own party, and that would be a very good thing indeed. [applause] [speaking french] >> translator: but i will make a commitment here to you today, throughout the council i will continue to quote mrs. dole and others. the others, well, i'm not sure that you'll be much help in the matter. but i'm happy with what i said, nonetheless. and it won't all be on my shoulders. i'm a head of state and i represent france at the european council, negotiating table. i'm not going there with rejection in mind only, or not
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to be open to compromise. i'm looking for a compromise because i want the eu to project the best image of itself that it can. that is to say 27 heads of state income listen to what the european part has to say, looking at where growth is, understanding a doubt that citizens have, then taking the decisions that are necessary. so i'm going to look for an agreement at the council. now, i've been told it can't happen with the uk. but why should one country decide for 26 others? indeed i think we could have agreed last year's council. in order to let people say this there was a victory we let it happen now. it will be even more difficult
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to reach an agreement as a result. but i think we can convince the others. you have said it, for one reason or another, country want to hang on to the rebate. but the threat of failure might play in our favor. it might inspire and intelligence approach from people. i want more democracy, and here it is. you are the representatives of that democracy. i think it's a very good thing that you can pass judgment on what heads of state and governments do and come up with. now, i can't deny the fact that many heads of state and government defend national interest over and above european interest, but i cannot accept that france today would be ready
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to sacrifice growth, because that is not true. the chp will see a drop in its appropriations as the commission proposal. that will mean difficult restructuring in a sector which is absolutely essential in our country. i cannot accept that we are calling growth policy into question. we were the first, if not the only country come to say that growth should be a priority. it's easy to make cuts in research, connectivity, energy, infrastructure, but that's where the future lies. i had like to restore to our colleagues in the uk, we have a
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lot of history behind us. and i won't say anything about the support you should have given to mr. degaulle, general de gaulle at that time. i won't go that far but and let me say just one thing. we do sometimes agree with mr. cameron and i welcome the support that he gave us in our deployment in mali. he was the first to do so and he was the first to offer material support throughout this. so i will not be so crude to make a caricature of a country or a fiscal leader. i think the uk. i also know that david cameron supports marriage for all and that makes things easier for us in france as well.
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let me reply on the major issues affecting europe and the questions that were put to me. young people, our continent is getting older. the birth rate is low, certainly its efficiency. our policies, our choices call into question the role of young people in our society. this is one thing that is worth our coming together, preparing the budget and the rest, and it's the place of young people in your. and when i say young people, i'm not just talking about university exchange, research and mobility. they are essential, yes, but i'm
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also talk about young people who are poor, young people without jobs and social security behind them come young people who are not lucky enough to go into higher education and to feel that europe is simply looking out for them. this budget, whatever becomes of it, should certainly have exceptional measures for young people. and we need to be able to follow up on those policies coming all other countries in europe so we can ensure that every young person can see a way out, so that they have qualifications, they have a job, that they can integrate into society. because there's a real generational detachment here that we have young people who decide to stand against the development of our societies. and let me say something now about the policies of change. we can't just say that the euro
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has become overvalued, and this is a problem. there is an exchange policy in the treaties. not just for the european central bank and society. it's also for the governments in the euro zone to take a stand. it's for them to set out what priority we call the currency. yes, there's a paradox in calling for people to be competitive, and then seeing their export prices go up. and they are making it more difficult to reestablish a trade balance. at some stage we have to take up that conflict. let me wrap up on the issue of strasbourg. it is a question that was raised. i know that there is a variety